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Schumann, A., Tarhan, Z. and Sazonov, V. 2024: Ideologies and Encounters of Ideas at the Crossroads of the Ancient World
Zozan Tarhan
Special issue “Ideologies and Encounters of Ideas at the Crossroads of the Ancient World” Edited by Andrew Schumann, Zozan Tarhan, Vladimir Sazonov Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica 30 (2), 2024 You may find it on the link below. http://saa.uaic.ro/issues/no-xxx-2-dec-2024/
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Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica 29/2, 2023
Lucretiu Mihailescu-Birliba
Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica , 2023
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Ioan Carol OPRIȘ, Alexandru RAȚIU, CAPIDAVA II. Building C1 – Contributions to the history of annona militaris in the 6th century (with contributions by: Andrei Gândilă, Tomasz Ważny, Peter I. Kuniholm, Charlotte L. Pearson, Adriana Rizzo and Choi Mak), Mega Publishing House, Cluj-Napoca, 2017
Ioan Carol Opriș, Alexandru Ratiu
2017
This monograph comes as a result of the research carried out by the authors (Ioan Carol Opriș and Alexandru Rațiu) between 1993-1996, 2006-2010, as well as from several other survey ditches in 2011 and 2014 on a building of approx. 10 x 11 m and a surface of 109.5 m2 situated in the southern part of the fort at Capidava, next to the main gate. The building C1 functioned during the 6th c. until a violent attack destroyed it in 582 or subsequently, in the early years of Mauricius Tiberius` reign. On this occasion the whole southeastern side of the fort (curtains G and H, as well as the gate tower no 7 and the largest building known so far intra muros – a granary/ horreum) has been heavily burnt. Both the planimetric distribution, along the via principalis in the vicinity of the gate, and its specific architectural features, corroborated with the analysis of the finds, allowed us to establish the function of the building C1 as storage facility with commercial destination for the local distribution of annona goods (in LR 1 and LR2 amphorae), besides other expensive merchandise in Cretan, Western Asia Minor and above all Levantine containers. The latter are the unmistakable and so called Carthage LR 4 amphorae produced in Gaza - Palaestina Prima for the famous vinum Gazetum (Gazetina, Gazeticum). Three annexes follow the text: the first one focused on the numismatic analysis of an emergency hoard of bronze folles found in situ (Andrei Gândilă – Univ. of Alabama in Huntsville) and offers key elements of further dating the moment when the building was destroyed, under heavy attack; the second is dedicated to the dendrochronology of the building, based upon its wooden elements saved from the incendium post 582 (Tomasz Ważny, Peter I. Kuniholm, Charlotte L. Pearson - Univ. of Arizona in Tucson); the third is the analysis report of an organic sample collected from inside a Pontic amphora, indicating a content of pine tar, most likely needed in treating the boats sailing on the Danube (Adriana Rizzo and Choi Mak - Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York).
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“Kinyras and the Musical Stratigraphy of Early Cyprus“, forthcoming in Musical Traditions in the Middle East: Reminiscences of a Distant Past (ed. Th. Krispijn), conference proceedings (12/2009, University of Leiden).
John C Franklin
This conference paper continues to languish in press, and is basically obsolete with the publication of Kinyras: The Divine Lyre. But it may be useful as a more succinct statement of the key issues and evidence. But for the Ugaritian material one should now prefer Chapters 1 and 7 of Kinyras: The Divine Lyre.
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Why the Greeks Know so Little about Assyrian and Babylonian History (Melammu 7: Mesopotamia in the Ancient World)
André Heller
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Giorgos Bourogiannis
Understanding Relations between Scripts II: Early Alphabets
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K. Kopanias, Cilicia and Pamphylia during the Early Iron Age: Hiyawa, Mopsos and the Foundation of the Greek Poleis
Konstantinos Kopanias, Athens University Review Of Archaeology
AURA, 2018
Various Greek authors from the Archaic to the Roman period refer to a migration of population groups from the Aegean and West Anatolia to Pamphylia and Cilicia in the aftermath of the Trojan War. The meagre archaeological evidence, as well as the Arcadocypriot and Mycenaean elements in the Pamphylian dialect, fits with this narrative. Furthermore, from (at least) the end of the 10th to the late 8th centuries a kingdom, which was called Hiyawa in Luwian and Qw or ‘mq ’dn in Phoenician inscriptions, controlled Cilicia and possibly also a part of Pamphylia. Its subjects were called Hiyawa in Luwian and dnnym in Phoenician. The term Hiyawa stems from the Hittite geographic term Ahhiyawa, which referred to one of the Mycenaean kingdoms in the Aegean during the LBA; both Ahhiyawa and Hiyawa derive from the ethnonym 'Achaean'. At least one of the rulers of the Kingdom of Hiyawa considered himself to be a descendant of Muksas/mpš, which shows that the later stories about Mopsos were not entirely fictitious. The Achaean settlers in Cilicia gradually fused with the Luwian population. Herodotus later called them Hypachaeans, which implies that they were neither Achaeans or Greeks, nor Luwians or Cilicians. Further waves of Aegean migrants continued to arrive mainly in Pamphylia and Cilicia Tracheia at least until the 7th century. These later migrants were also gradually amalgamated with the indigenous population and their vernacular became heavily influenced by the local Luwian dialects.
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Ch. 4 Cypro-Minoan and its potmarks and vessel inscriptions as challenges to Aegean scripts corpora
cassandra donnelly
Writing Around the Mediterranean, 2022
The full volume, which is open access, is attached here. This paper argues that the definition of an "inscription" used in Aegean scripts studies is incompatible with the varied and distinctive Cypro-Minoan text types.
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Assyrians and Aramaeans: Modes of Cohabitation and Acculturation at Guzana (Tell Halaf)
Mirko Novák
Assyria to Iberia. Art and Culture in the Iron Age , 2016
The first half of the first millennium BCE in the Near East was characterized by two developments: first, the rise and unrivalled dominance of the Assyrian Empire, the largest political entity yet seen in the region, until its dramatic collapse at the end of the seventh century BCE; and second, the appearance of the Aramaeans and the diffusion of their language and script throughout Mesopotamia, the Levant, parts of Iran, and Egypt. Despite the political supremacy of Akkadian-speaking Assyria, Aramaic imposed itself as a lingua franca in the Near East, a role it held for more than a millennium. How do these two phenomena fit together? Should we not have expected the cuneiform script and the Assyrian dialect of the Akkadian language to predominate across the Assyrian Empire? How could the Aramaic language have become so dominant given that there was never an Aramaean empire? To answer this question in a short article we must limit the discussion to one single example. For this purpose, no other site provides better information than Tell Halaf, the ancient city of Guzana. It was founded as the capital of a small Aramaean principality, later became the seat of the governor of one of the most prosperous Assyrian provinces, and ultimately was one of the few Upper Mesopotamian towns that survived the collapse of the Assyrian Empire and flourished until the Parthian period.
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The introduction of the Greek alphabet in Cyprus, a case study in material culture (chapter 10 https://crewsproject.wordpress.com/crews-publications/)
Beatrice Pestarino
Writing around the Ancient Mediterranean: Practices and Adaptations, (CREWS Vol. 6), (Eds.), Steele P., Boyes P., Oxford: 181-194., 2022
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